Category: Uncategorized

A Pillar of Newark

Ms. Sharon Redding

Meet our friend and activist Ms. Sharon Redding. I’m not alone in seeing her as a pillar of her city. She’s worked for the Newark Community Street Team since 2016 as a community advocate. Ms. Sharon is a vital voice connecting her community and its concerns with city and state leaders to build community safety and change the world. She is a consistent voice in Public Safety Roundtables, where she holds officials at every level of government, from the mayor and the chief of police, accountable for their responsibilities. Just as important, she brings information back to her neighbors to help them thrive, such as what NCST’s trauma recovery center offers or how to access other healing supports. Here are her own words on Newark and the future of public safety: 

“I see a future of neighbors, community leaders, law enforcement, and the empathy we have for each other, all of us working together to keep everyone safe. I want my grandchildren and the children of our communities to go to school and play outside and to be safe as a Community — without being subject to gun violence, being assaulted, or hit by a stolen car. I see our Community getting stronger as the next generation understands the effects of trauma and knows what public safety in public hands means. As an elder in the Community, this is not a “Dream.” I see it as Reality for my neighborhood. Amen!!”

We’re so grateful for Ms. Sharon for her caring spirit, tenacity in holding leaders accountable, and willingness to support those in need of healing. Ms. Sharon is the TRUTH!

Filed under: Uncategorized

One Part of Transformation

legislative building with blue sky

After the dust settled on the 2022 elections, we spent the dark weeks of winter getting grips on the balance of political power across the country. And here we are. February. The plunge into legislative sessions is squarely upon us. Some states are already nearly done for the year, but the buzz is still loud and exciting. Coalitions are organizing and advocating in our statehouses, lobbyists continue to work behind the scenes, and legislators are dropping bills in virtual hoppers in capital cities across the country.

In 2023 Republicans control the house, senate, and governorship (aka the trifecta) in 22 states, Democrats hold a trifecta in 17 states, leaving 11 states with divided government. The landscape of possibility is vast and fraught with partisan divide and opportunities to cross the aisle. Even the trifectas open the door to collaboration with any willing legislator — thin majorities often still rely on moderate votes or bipartisan collaboration to pass bills.

As I look across the landscape again this year, I still spend, maybe too much, time obsessing about how policy can tear down what is harming communities while also expanding access to safety for all, especially those that need it most. I still question if and how statutory change can be transformational, when the job of statute(s) is to express the intent of the majority power. These things still keep me awake at night but I’m inspired and influenced by the work of M4BL, Project Nia, and the Movement Strategy Center, organizations that are feeding the collective imagination with deliciousness about what it means to transform out of our current system into a form that centers our communities. (Learn about those organizations below.)

At EJUSA we struggle together around the concepts of reform vs transformation in our policy work every day because we know that people who are criminalized are harmed every day and reforms that make specific fixes matter. At the same time, to get to the transformation we want, we must attack the root causes of violence, create authentic pathways to repair and heal from violence. That requires —- that’s more than just tinkering with the existing system —- we’re talking big, transformational shifts in how our governments and communities operate from day to day. I don’t have the answer or even think there is one right answer but what I do know is that it is more important than ever to interrogate the details and make sure our communities are at the decision-making tables.

Our work is in our streets and in the statutes. Our statutory battlefield was grown from slavery and weaved into our criminal legal system — from executions to mass incarcerations to police killings, and everything in between. But I want to be loud and clear here: policy work is only a small part of making change. It’s not a substitute for relationship-based community organizing, public protest, and community-based efforts. It’s a tactic borne of our organizing together, acting in service to the needs of our communities, responding to harm, and advancing successful strategies from the ground.

Let’s turn to 2023. What’s happening in our legislative chambers? With some major exceptions (looking at you California), state budgets appear to be robust. This is potentially good news for the continued evolution in how legislators and policymakers are understanding violence intervention and the drivers of violence. We’re seeing more and more states consider legislation to support financially, frontline intervention work through grant programs, federal dollars, and leveraging medicaid to pay for hospital based violence intervention work.

State legislative campaigns to abolish extreme sentencing in California and Ohio continue to gain traction. At the same time, states are considering a slew of regressive bills to increase punishment and shield police from accountability in states like New Jersey, Kentucky.

A glance at what we’re working on and watching:
Arizona: SB1475, a bill to abolish the death penalty. We don’t expect Arizona to repeal its death penalty this year, but the introduction and strong hearing in January are great stepping stones to moving the bill further in future sessions.

California budget: Continue the grant funding for indigent defense, and allocate funding for implementation of the California Racial Justice Act, including the necessary funding for defense counsel.

Ohio: (bill number tbd) a bill to abolish the death penalty in Ohio.

New Jersey budget: Continue and increase investments to fund community-based violence intervention strategies. This year, there is $15 million in the governor’s budget, a $5 million increase from previous years.

New Jersey: S2007, a bill to allow federal medicaid dollars to be used for community violence prevention services, such as those provided by hospital-based violence intervention programs.

New Jersey: S3086/A4978, a bill to establish the Violence Intervention and Victim Assistance (VIVA) office and appropriates $5.5 million for the office and its work.

New York: S214/A2105, a bill to expand access to victims compensation.

Federal Government: S40, a bill to establish a task force to explore reparations.

Learn more about:

M4BLProject NiaMovement Strategy Center

Filed under: Uncategorized

The Movement Has Lost a Legend

Lawrence Hayes, activist for justice

“There is no reason to kill. No reason for me to kill, no reason for you to kill, and no reason for the state to kill.” 

These are the words of Lawrence Hayes as he spoke at the “Live from Death Row Tour,” a national speaking tour with a focus on building opposition to the death penalty. Like most of his advocacy, Lawrence used his voice to share his story for change. He died this week after a lifetime of making that change.

Lawrence spent 20 years in prison for a crime he did not commit. Upon his freedom, he dedicated his commitment to advocate against state-sanctioned murder. Sharing his story to highlight the injustices in the system that caused him harm at every corner of the process —  from the treatment by police, the failure in the courts, and the treatment from the media regarding his case. A former Black Panther who knew what it meant to stand up for his rights and others. A leader that became a target even as he was a free man trying to point to the failures. He will always be a champion for the movement as he helped to shed the light on a system that doesn’t create safety, that harms, that needs to be abolished. 

We thank him for his commitment and his contribution to the movement. May you rest in peace, Lawrence.

Filed under: Uncategorized

How Do I Talk to My Kids About Gun Violence?

street view of downtown Charlottesville Virginia

Early last week I got an automated message on my phone from my kids’ school that there was an active shooter within two miles and that the school was under a shelter-in-place order from the Charlottesville Police Department. I went through the arc of emotions: fear to worry to curiosity to a trust in my kids’ school and to a realization that some important conversations were coming. 

A few hours later the situation was “resolved,” the order lifted, and my kids – 7, 5, and 3 years old – made it home.

Tragically, the situation ended with the shooter being shot and killed by police.

Since the school wisely told the students very little about why recess was cut short and people had to run indoors, I prepared for the inevitable conversation with my kids about what went down.

Just the night before this shooting, Charlottesville’s new police chief held an open forum for the community to talk about the escalation in gun violence in our town, and many friends and colleagues spoke and cried and pleaded for solutions not rooted in violence.

The next day the police themselves were part of the escalation in gun violence. My oldest daughter asked me, “Dad, why did the police not talk to him? Why did they feel like they had to shoot him?”

I paused before answering, unsure how much to unload on her young mind. For our two older kids, my wife and I had already talked to them separately about the details of this incident. And this is less than three months after having to describe a man at UVA who boarded a bus and murdered three of our student athletes. 

I told her: “Well, think about what’s on an officer’s belt.” We named the items: mace, handcuffs, nightstick, and, of course, a gun. “Those are all tools of violence and control. It’s all an officer knows to do and use. Those people who can talk and support and offer the help this man needed weren’t called.”

Because she’s 7, I skipped over how I think that police negotiators, who were indeed on the scene, are still police and not equipped with the tools and categories communities have to interrupt violence non-violently.

Policing does not keep all of us safe. Police officers try and sometimes do. But policing does not. I’ve worked to teach my kids to respect and honor police officers as people while holding that we as a family do not believe in policing. 

Our kids see a noticeable disconnect with how we handle conflict in our home – which is to pursue acknowledgement of harm, acts of reconciliation, and change so the harm can’t happen again – and our society’s criminal legal system trinity of “public safety”: policing, prosecutions, and prison.

But we know there is another way. I’ve seen it in my community with our two local violence interrupter and conflict resolution groups: the B.U.C.K. Squad and Peace in the Streets. I’ve seen it with our city’s restorative justice program, Central Virginia Community Justice. I’ve seen it with organizations and groups and churches working to respond to harm with healing, to respond to drivers of violence like poverty, unemployment, and racism.  

I then said to my daughter, “I wonder what big emotions this man was feeling that led him to firing a gun and pointing it at police officers? I wonder what could have helped this man feel and manage his emotions.” I let this sit a bit, saving for another time a talk about ways a society can better acknowledge trauma and work to heal it rather than to cage it, either literally or figuratively. 

My hope is to create categories for my kids so that when violence happens we have some buckets established where we can dump emotions and questions that time and maturity will allow us to untangle with them.

Each family is different. There is no single right way to talk about this. I can’t imagine many people reading this who would be all in on how I did it. And I made sure to tell my kids this, that other families will say other things, that most families probably do not give as much detail to their kids as we do.

Here are some of my go-to guidelines to build a framework for safety that is not police-centered: 

  • Honor police as people while questioning policing
  • Advocate for everyone being given chance and space to heal and reconcile
  • Recognize that police and prisons exist to control and not to heal
  • Err on answering all questions. If a kid is old enough to ask, they’re old enough to have some measure of an answer.

A three-fold rule of thumb to start building these categories is to talk to your children about how you handle things when harm happens in your own home; talk about what you want to see in society; and talk about whether police are able to reconcile those two visions.

Lastly, the first conversation about police and prisons needs to be before a public act or personal experience of violence.

You know things are sticking and that kids are working out the details of these complex issues when, like my daughter, they ask during our church service if they can pray out loud “for the mayor to stop prisons.” That’s a start, and I’ll take it! I’ll take my imperfect delivery and her imperfect processing over America’s obsession with confinement and control.

My kids are white, middle-class babies, and the likelihood of them experiencing violence is lower than most. It is less likely they will “come home to yellow tape,” as a colleague of mine said. So I have to carefully put them in proximity to that violence by the conversations I have with them, hoping that our society can use its collective will to have a posture toward harm that is one of healing and not choosing to perpetuate cycles of violence.

Filed under: Uncategorized

What I Know Today

street at night

They didn’t tackle me so much as deliver a hard body check. My phone — I was listening to a voicemail — fell to the ground but I kept my feet, off balance for a second before turning to face one of the guys mugging me.

We were under a street lamp on a normally busy Brooklyn block. The second guy stood behind me. He pressed his shoulder into my back, staying out of my view. I looked up the street toward the subway stop. People should have been coming home from work, but no one was within a few hundred yards. I was scared. I could feel my heart pounding.

The guy in front of me said, “Wallet.” I handed it over but asked him to take just the cash, that I would cancel the credit cards. He agreed but snatched my Metro card, and then my phone from the sidewalk before he and his partner walked away, calmly.

This was more than a decade before I joined EJUSA. I look back today and I’m staggered by how little I knew then about policing and prisons, about our national obsession with punishment, about violence and why it happens. 

I look back today and know that these guys didn’t rob me because they were bored, looking for fun. Did they need money to buy some pizza? Did they need, or just want, new sneakers? Had they tried to find a job with no luck? Had they been mugged themselves, leaving them with the trauma of that experience?

They were young and Black and living in a gentrifying neighborhood. New condos and iPhones surrounding them, but nothing coming their way. 

But what I knew back then — or what I believed — is the same thing so many of us, especially white people, have been taught: If something bad happens, you find the police. So I did. 

My understanding of violence and the criminal legal system has transformed over the past four years working with Equal Justice USA, having talked with many survivors and sitting with the Newark community in our Trauma to Trust program to understand how trauma manifests. I recently took another leap while reading No More Police: A Case for Abolition, by Mariame Kaba and Andrea J. Ritchie. 

The book’s introduction, by two activists from Minneapolis’s Black Visions, includes this: “Criminalizing people does not solve the problems we face in our communities; it simply recategorizes and attempts to hide them.”

Two cops took a description of the kid I saw and what happened. They drove me around the neighborhood in case the guys were lingering. One cop said, “You know what you should’ve done? Clocked one of them. They never expect that.”

For a second, I felt like a coward, as if I owed something to these cops and failed, that I hadn’t seen the path to stopping this attack. But only for a second. I knew I didn’t want to hit anyone. I didn’t see meeting violence with violence as productive.

I didn’t know then that the cop’s prescription for violence is the cornerstone of our legal system. At its most extreme, we execute people who have killed. The executed are disproportionally Black people; victims are most often white. There are also countless other harmful responses to violence via policing, prosecutions, and prisons. And we have collectively come to accept those methods as so-called justice — even though they inflict so much additional harm. 

The book No More Police (you can read my colleague Jiva’s summary) put me back on that Brooklyn street with those two young men, who netted $80, a cheap flip phone, and a few rides on the subway. It put me in the 77th Precinct house, rifling through a thick binder filled with photos of young Black men, and then, in the weeks following, walking down that same block at night, looking over my shoulder, scanning the sidewalks to see how many people could see me. I traveled back to an evening, weeks later, when I found those cops outside my building, with a handful of new photos, one of which showed the guy I faced under that street lamp. 

I couldn’t believe it. After identifying him, I learned that he was 18 and had robbed someone else in my neighborhood. 

Eventually, I would testify before a grand jury that would indict the kid. Months later, I would get a call from the DA’s office. The lawyer wanted me to know that there would be no trial, that the young man who mugged me had pleaded guilty. “What’s going to happen to him?” I asked. 

“He’ll probably get two to three years.”

I didn’t know that that was possible. It took me a few seconds before I could speak. “For 80 bucks? That’s crazy.”

The lawyer asked me if I wanted to submit a statement to that effect for the sentencing. As ignorant as I was of our harmful legal system, I knew that a sentence like that was awful, that it was going to damage this guy, maybe for life. That there had to be a different way. 

Yes, I did want to say that two to three years was too much. 

What happened to him? I asked that question again and again as I read No More Police.  

I didn’t feel safer that night long ago, as I lay awake in bed after spending hours with the cops. I didn’t feel safer after the indictment or when I found out that a Black kid might spend nine days in prison for every dollar he took from me. 

Ripping him away from his family, his friends, his community, none of that addressed the possible reasons that he mugged me in the first place: that he probably didn’t have money, that he had unhealed trauma, that he wasn’t getting the education that he needed, that he didn’t have much in the way of prospects. 

His life could have looked entirely different if we lived in a country that addressed the root causes of violence and provided the healing and support that people who experience trauma, and who continue to carry historical trauma, need.

But we don’t.

Now I know.

Filed under: Uncategorized

Blocking Black History Is Just The Beginning

Black History Month ended yesterday. It’s traditionally been a month where we celebrate the achievements of Black people, some iconic and some lesser known but still vital to U.S. history. 

Our history is deep, long, complex, and incredibly inspiring to me. It is also an important lens for our work, which is why the growing effort across this country to erase Black history is so distressing. These efforts seek to erase the truth about our nation’s failings on race and human rights. And without the precursor of an honest reckoning of this truth, we will never get to meaningful reconciliation.

I wrote about this problem for Essence

Erasing Black history is damaging because these lessons are crucial to understanding the problems we’re facing and thinking through solutions for real change. For hundreds of years, Black Americans have walked a tightrope with little room for error and few second chances because our systems have controlled and oppressed us—and still do. These systems span every aspect of our lives, from healthcare to education and economic opportunities to law enforcement.

I hope you can take a few minutes to read the rest of the piece. More than anything, I hope you will remember that Black history can’t and shouldn’t be contained to a month. And we must fight for our history to build the equitable and thriving communities that make up true public safety.

Filed under: Uncategorized

Our Priorities Must Shift

Will Simpson at The Future of Public Safety Convening

During his 2023 State of the Union Address, President Biden could mention investment into community violence interventions or non-carceral responses only by pairing it with his stated support for continued investment into policing (this comes on the heels of the Safer Communities Act, where the White House funded 100,000 police in communities across the U.S.). 

What a moral conflict: to fund the lifesaving work happening in communities all across our country we must also continue to invest in policing which in 2022 was the deadliest year for police violence. Our nation’s priorities must shift. Specifically, we have to fund community-based solutions by shifting funds away from policing as we bring significant reforms to the institution.

In recent years, there has been a growing movement to shift the focus of public safety away from traditional policing models and towards community-based solutions. These strategies involve mobilizing community resources and networks to address the root causes of violence — such as poverty, unemployment, and lack of access to mental health services — rather than relying on law enforcement to respond to violent incidents after they occur. While these strategies have been shown to be effective in reducing violence in communities across the country, they cannot succeed without a significant shift in funding priorities. 

The police are an institution designed to enforce the law, often through the threat or use of force, which makes them poorly suited to addressing the root causes of violence. In fact, police often exacerbate the harm/violences of systems on marginalized communities. They are not trained to provide the kind of wraparound services that are necessary to address issues like poverty, mental health, and substance abuse, nor are they equipped to build the kinds of trusting relationships with community members that are necessary for effective violence prevention. We must also not overlook the fact that modern policing was founded during the era of slavery and that those seeds of racism and bias have for so long gone unaddressed and continue to sprout through to today. 

The data on the disproportionate use of force and deadly force on people of color by police only reinforces the need for a shift away from policing as we currently know it. In 2022, the deadliest year for police violence in our nation’s history, the racial disparities persisted. Twenty-five percent of those killed by law enforcement were Black despite Black people making up just 13% of our populations. 

A study by the National Academy of Sciences found that Black people are three times more likely to be killed by police than white people. Another study by the Center for Policing Equity found that, even after controlling for crime rates and other relevant factors, Black people are still more likely to be stopped, searched, and arrested by police than white people. These disparities are more than unjust; they also erode trust between communities of color and law enforcement, making it more difficult for police to effectively address harm in the community.

If we want to create truly safe and healthy communities, we need to invest in community-centered public safety ecosystems that prioritize the needs of community members over the interests of law enforcement agencies. This means investing in programs that address the root causes of violence: job training, mental health services, and affordable housing. It also means investing in programs that build trust between community members and law enforcement, like Trauma to Trust, a 16-hour experience that creates space for community residents such as survivors of violence, formerly incarcerated people, and community activists to have a guided conversation with local police officers. In short, it means investing in programs that recognize the interconnectedness of issues like poverty, mental health, and harm, and that seek to address these issues through a holistic, community-centered approach.

Of course, shifting resources away from law enforcement and towards community-based violence intervention strategies is easier said than done. There are powerful interests that benefit from the status quo, including police unions and private prison companies. There is also a pervasive cultural belief in the effectiveness of law enforcement, despite mounting evidence to the contrary. 

However, there are signs of progress. Some cities, like Newark, New Jersey, and Baton Rouge, Louisiana, have begun to invest in community-centered public safety models, with promising results. And we must recognize that this movement to fund communities over policing, while controversial, has brought much-needed attention to the need for a shift in funding priorities.

Ultimately, the choice between community-centered public safety ecosystems and traditional policing models comes down to a question of values. Do we value a system of justice that prioritizes punishment and force, or do we value a system of justice that prioritizes safety, healing, and accountability that repairs? The evidence is clear that the latter is more effective at reducing violence and building stronger, more resilient communities. It’s time to invest in that vision of the future.

Filed under: Uncategorized

The Death of Tyre Nichols

black and white image of man at protest, wearing a mask over his mouth and holding his fist up

We remain shaken by the murder of Tyre Nichols, a 29-year-old Black man and father of a 4-year-old son, at the hands of Memphis police in a horrifying display of brutality.

The pain we all feel is the too familiar, relentless trauma that policing inflicts. We have been here so many times before.

After Minneapolis police murdered George Floyd and millions of Americans rose up in protest, I believed that we had reached a tipping point. I thought we would demand and get change to policing that would reduce violence and harm. Instead, we just left behind a year that set the record for police killings. Tyre Nichols will be one of the 1,000+ people that police kill this year. 

The five officers who killed Tyre are Black (a white officer has been fired but not indicted of the crime). But it doesn’t matter who wears the uniform or steps into the role. The role comes with the expectations and indoctrinations entrenched in the history of policing and its inextricable link to our legacy of slavery.

Enslavers established modern policing hundreds of years ago as a way to enforce slavery, to control and oppress Black people. Police went on to uphold segregation, enable lynchings, and crush civil rights protests.  

And police are just one branch of a sweeping system — prosecutors, judges, prisons — that has always enabled racial oppression through the continued dehumanization of Black people. 

Right now, all we can offer to the Nichols family is prosecution and punishment of the officers who took Mr. Nichols’ life. But our mission at EJUSA — that you make possible — is to build a path toward justice that doesn’t rely on punishment. This reimagined justice will prevent violence by delivering healing, safety, and accountability that repairs harm for all. 

My thoughts and prayers go out to Mr. Nichols’ family, his son, and the entire Memphis community. 

We will continue to transform safety and justice so that a system rooted in racial oppression is no longer the primary response to violence. We keep us safe. Investing in our communities is what keeps us safe.

Filed under: Uncategorized

Dr. King wanted us to act

Statue at the Martin Luther King memorial in Washington DC, USA in October 2013. Photo by Jannis Werner

When I was in college, I served on a committee planning the University of Michigan’s renowned Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Symposium. 

That year, Michigan brought Dr. Cornel West, the philosopher, activist, and professor, to campus as the symposium’s keynote speaker. He was a hero of mine (and still is). As a planning committee member, I was honored to have lunch with him. His brilliance and outsized personality were guaranteed to leave an impression, but it was the simplicity of the message he delivered that day that has stayed with me the last 25 years. 

Dr. King was already an icon by the late 90s, almost supernatural for his leadership and intellect. His speeches and writings were universally revered. 

That drove Dr. West to remind us — I’m paraphrasing from memory — that King entered the world the same way we all enter this world. He was a human being, born of a woman. He was a son, a husband, and a father, who saw the same struggles that many communities see. He wasn’t so different from any of us. 

The difference was that he acted. He stepped forward, disregarding fear and danger, to battle the injustice and the brutalization incited by racist beliefs, laws, and systems.

Dr. West warned us that Dr. King would not want us to deify him or put him on a pedestal. Because doing so could in some ways excuse us from continuing the work that Dr. King was unable to finish.  

That important truth inspired me on that day. And today I’m inspired by our partners — all of them human beings who entered this world the same way as Dr. King. They too make the choice to take action in their communities. Lisa Good in Albany, Sateria Tate in Baton Rouge, and Lakeesha Eure in Newark are just a few who have answered the call to lead and serve. 

I hope that they inspire you too, because it is up to all of us to continue Dr. King’s work to hold America accountable to its declaration that all men are created equal.

Filed under: Uncategorized

The EJUSA Difference

ejusa staff in black shirts

Happy new year! I hope you had a peaceful and joyous holiday season. 

Personally, I appreciated the break after a thrilling but fast-paced year. We accomplished so much together thanks to your support, but I want to share one specific highlight of 2022. 

When I started at EJUSA, I knew that one of my highest priorities would be to work with our team to plan for the next several years. There wasn’t ever any question about our vision for a world where violence is rare and where people are safe and have what they need to heal and thrive. But we are constantly assessing how we get there and what is required to have the most powerful impact. 

We’ve done that with our new strategic plan.

At the center is our fidelity to our values of equity, healing, partnership, and transcending divides. We prioritize the communities that need our work most. Black and Brown communities disproportionately experience the oppression and racism of our criminal legal system. They feel the hurt of violence. They also understand what is needed to create safety — more than just the absence of violence — in their neighborhoods. 

Our commitment to elevating the voice and power of these communities is paramount to our mission. I think it comes through in my favorite section in the report, titled “The EJUSA Difference.” If you have only a minute, I encourage you to read that section. I was proud that one of our partners said this: 

“There are few groups in the field — and fewer national groups — that are able to sit at national policy tables one day with big, well-resourced organizations, and the next day be with frontline groups.”

Building that kind of coalition is fundamental to solving the problem of violence, and our strategic plan makes the case for how we can get there. I hope you’ll check it out.

Filed under: Uncategorized