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Questions about mitigating factors, in Kansas and beyond – a U.S. Supreme Court preview

The Supreme Court Building

In preparation for the new term of the U.S. Supreme Court, starting on October 5, we will feature an occasional guest column by our newest board member, Ursula Bentele. Ursula is a renowned Supreme Court scholar, who will look at some of the Court’s cases with a particular eye towards those with implications for the death penalty. Once the Court has heard oral arguments and delivers its opinions, she will reflect on those outcomes and comment on how the Court’s resolution of the issues might affect the future of the death penalty in this country.

The first capital cases in front of the Court this term, scheduled for argument on October 7, involve three people whose death sentences were overturned by the Supreme Court of Kansas. Kansas’s highest court ruled that the instructions given to the jury during the sentencing phase of the trial were not adequate, and therefore their sentences are invalid.1 The fundamental issue in the case is obligation of jurors to consider mitigating circumstances in capital trials.

Specifically, the court ruled that jurors must be explicitly told that mitigating factors, unlike many facts in criminal cases, need not be proven beyond a reasonable doubt. Such mitigating circumstances can be considered as a reason to impose a life sentence even if they aren’t proven by this high standard, and the court said that failure to explain this to jurors created a risk that they would impose a death sentence in violation of the Eighth Amendment.

To understand the Kansas court’s reasoning, which may strike a lay reader as hyper-technical, it is important to understand the role of mitigating circumstances in making the sentencing decision in death penalty trials.

Capital trials in Kansas, as in every state with the death penalty, have two phases – a guilt phase, when the jury weighs the evidence against the defendant to decide whether he or she is guilty of murder; and a penalty phase, when the same jury decides whether to sentence the defendant to death or to life in prison.

By the time a case reaches the penalty phase, the odds are strongly against the capital defendant. The jury has been “death qualified,” meaning anyone too hesitant about imposing a death sentence was excused. The jury has also decided beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant is guilty of murder for killing a fellow human being without any justification (like self-defense) or excuse (like extreme emotional disturbance) that would have reduced the conviction to manslaughter.

The only hope of a life sentence at this stage, then, rests in persuading at least one juror that a mitigating circumstance exists to justify a sentence other than death. Making that case is extraordinarily difficult.

First, the notion of mitigating circumstances is hard to grasp. The word “mitigation” is itself foreign to most jurors, some of whom actually confuse it with “aggravation.” Yet when jurors ask for an explanation, the answer is often more confusing than the initial instruction, with judges using other confusing terms, such as “extenuation,” in an attempt to explain.

Second, jurors who have a broad conception of mitigation, such that they are reluctant to impose a death sentence, have generally been excluded from the jury by the prosecution.

Third, prosecutors often characterized mitigation as just an “excuse.” They argue, for instance, that many people have suffered child abuse without being driven to murder, which can be highly convincing to jurors.

Finally, mitigating factors can present a double-edged sword. The person harmed by horrendous trauma, while deserving of sympathy, may seem to jurors more likely to be violent as a result, and jurors often fear that such defendants present a future danger if kept alive.

In this context, it seems only fair to make it as clear as possible to jurors that, if they are persuaded that mitigation warrants a life sentence, they need not reach that belief beyond a reasonable doubt. That is how the Kansas court ruled. The State of Kansas appealed that ruling to the U.S. Supreme Court, who will hear arguments on October 7 from both sides.

There has been a scenario similar to this before: in 2006, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed a ruling by the Kansas Supreme Court, which said it was unconstitutional to instruct a jury to impose a death sentence if it found aggravating and mitigating circumstances to be equal.2 The high Court had no problem with the instruction, although the dissenters perceived a risk that jurors would fail to give adequate consideration to mitigating factors, just as the Kansas court had held in that case as well as the current cases.

If the Supreme Court rules in favor of the State again this time, it will send the case back to Kansas. The Kansas high court could, at that point, reach the same conclusion but rely on its own state constitution instead of basing its decision on the federal constitution. That interpretation would be immune from review by the U.S. Supreme Court. The most recent example of such a decision comes from Connecticut, where the court declared that state’s death sentences, which had been imposed before the legislature’s prospective repeal of the death penalty, could not be carried out. The arguments relied on by the court could well have been made under the Eighth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, but that would have exposed them to potential reversal by the U.S. Supreme Court. Similarly, California jury instructions reminding jurors that death sentences could be commuted, without noting that life without parole could also be commuted, were approved by the U.S. Supreme Court, only to be declared unconstitutional by the state supreme court under the California constitution. New York’s death penalty statute was also struck down for a jury instruction deemed coercive under the state constitution – whether the federal constitution would have been held to bar the instruction is far from clear.

The argument on October 7 will focus primarily on the Kansas court’s treatment of the jury instruction, but two of the cases raise another issue, which also relates to adequate consideration of mitigating circumstances. Two brothers were tried together for the five murders at issue, and a single penalty phase was conducted to determine their sentences. The Kansas court ruled that performing the single penalty phase together, rather than a separate hearing for each defendant, violates the constitution because mitigating evidence that helped one defendant could actually hurt the other defendant. This separate issue has prompted an amicus brief by the Solicitor General in support of the State, stressing that the federal government often tries capital defendants together, and another by The Promise of Justice Initiative in support of the defendants, noting a national trend against such joint penalty phases.

The Court’s decisions in these cases – and on both of these issues – will shed light on how seriously it takes the obligation of jurors to consider mitigating circumstances in capital trials. Beyond just the cases of the three defendants whose cases are in front of the Court, the decisions could impact instructions to jurors about mitigating factors in the future and beyond Kansas.

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Pope Francis intensifies his call for America to end the death penalty

2014 Pastoral Visit of Pope Francis to Korea

As part of his visit to the United States this week, Pope Francis renewed his call for world abolition of the death penalty. He included specific encouragement to those working to end the death penalty in the United States and a focus on hope and rehabilitation.

Here is the Pope’s full statement on the death penalty, excerpted from his speech in front of the join session of Congress.

“The Golden Rule also reminds us of our responsibility to protect and defend human life at every stage of its development.

“This conviction has led me, from the beginning of my ministry, to advocate at different levels for the global abolition of the death penalty. I am convinced that this way is the best, since every life is sacred, every human person is endowed with an inalienable dignity, and society can only benefit from the rehabilitation of those convicted of crimes. Recently my brother bishops here in the United States renewed their call for the abolition of the death penalty. Not only do I support them, but I also offer encouragement to all those who are convinced that a just and necessary punishment must never exclude the dimension of hope and the goal of rehabilitation.”

In response, here is a statement from Shari Silberstein, Executive Director of Equal Justice USA:

“Pope Francis’ call to end the death penalty echoes the concerns of a growing number of Americans, including Catholics and other people of faith. Across the country, people are deeply troubled by the death penalty’s failings, including the risk of executing an innocent person and the uneven way that it’s carried out.

“The outspoken support from the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops and state Catholic Conferences has helped seven states repeal the death penalty and four more to suspend executions in less than a decade. We are thankful for Pope Francis’ and the Catholic Church’s principled leadership in efforts to end the death penalty.”

Statement by Marc Hyden, National Coordinator of Conservatives Concerned About the Death Penalty:

“There is no question that the Pope’s strong opposition to the death penalty is having a real impact on American conservatives. We see it every day in our work with fellow conservatives who, often prompted by their faith, increasingly are recognizing that the death penalty is both an unnecessary and harmful policy.

“Pope Francis understands that the death penalty fails as a response to violence. The death penalty does not make society safer and it can inflict additional harm on murder victims’ families by prolonging the legal process. In light of these concerns and recent wrongful convictions and botched executions, more states should heed the Pope’s call to end the death penalty.”

Photo credit: “2014 Pastoral Visit of Pope Francis to Korea” by Korea.net / Korean Culture and Information Service (Jeon Han). CC BY 2.0via Wikimedia Commons

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Governor Wolf stands by moratorium in PA Supreme Court hearing

In February, Governor Tom Wolf called for a moratorium on executions, pending the outcome of a statewide study of the death penalty in Pennsylvania. Governor Wolf’s policy is now the topic of a heated debate that was heard earlier this month in front of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court in Philadelphia.

Terrance Williams, convicted of murder in 1984, was the first inmate who was granted a reprieve under Governor Wolf’s moratorium last spring. In response, many Pennsylvania prosecutors questioned Wolf’s power to halt all executions. Seth Williams, the District Attorney’s for the City of Philadelphia, filed a challenge accusing Governor Wolf of overstepping his authority.

Although Pennsylvania has not executed a prisoner since 1999, three inmates have been issued execution dates and subsequent reprieves since Wolf announced the moratorium. Wolf stated he would grant a reprieve in each case in which an execution was scheduled, “until this commission has produced its recommendation and all concerns are addressed satisfactorily.”

Wolf is referring to the work of the Pennsylvania Task Force and Advisory Commission on Capital Punishment, which was created by the legislature in 2011 and was originally set to be released by the end of 2013. Seth Williams and other prosecutors have criticized the likelihood of the report being completed any time soon, let alone by the beginning of 2016.

During the hearing, Justice questioned whether Wolf’s policy is more of a moratorium or merely a series of individual reprieves. Wolf’s attorneys contend he has every right to continue his action, claiming, “he can grant temporary reprieves without having to explain his reasons.”

Lawyers representing the prosecutors, however, say that Wolf is improperly tying the reprieves to a report that may never be fully addressed.

With this week’s visit of the Pope to Pennsylvania, many are wondering if this issue will be thrust into the spotlight once again. In March, the Pope remarked, “the death penalty is inadmissible, no matter how serious the crime committed.”

Despite the value of the Pope’s visit, many hopes are resting on the outcome of the report, which will include analysis of extensive amounts of data about capital cases and cases that were eligible for the death penalty but where a plea deal was reached or no death notice was filed.

Eleni Angelides is a Political Science MA candidate at George Washington University. She is currently serving as a Communications and Marketing Intern with Equal Justice USA. Look for her Newsline stories in the weeks and months to come!

Photo credit: “Inaugural ceremony of the 47th Governor of Pennsylvania Tom Wolf” by Governor Tom Wolf, CC BY 2.0 via flickr

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Oklahoma court stays execution of Richard Glossip

In a unanimous ruling early this afternoon, the highest criminal court in Oklahoma granted a two-week stay in the execution of Richard Glossip. The Oklahoma Court of Criminal Appeals released their ruling, granting Glossip’s request for time to review new evidence.

One piece of evidence submitted to the court was a sworn affidavit from another inmate who claims he heard Justice Sneed admit to acting alone and setting up Glossip. Sneed plead guilty to the murder of Barry Van Treese in exchange for his testimony against Glossip, who he claimed hired him to commit the crime. Glossip has always maintained his innocence.

The Court of Appeals set a new execution date of September 30th. We will continue to post updates to our Twitter feed and Facebook page, and stay tuned for suggested actions to ensure Glossip’s claims of innocence are properly heard and the next execution date does not go forward.

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College Republicans in Kansas endorse repeal

Citing pro-life views and fiscal responsibility, the Kansas Federation of College Republicans unanimously adopted a resolution calling for repeal of the death penalty. The group urged Kansas legislators to pass repeal and joined ranks with the Republican Liberty Caucus of Kansas, who announced support for repeal last year. The Kansas Republican Party has also dropped death penalty support from its platform.

Check out this article in the Huffington Post that puts the College Republicans’ new stance into a boarder context of bipartisan support for death penalty repeal.

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An interview with the director of EJUSA’s Trauma Advocacy Initiative

Sarah does a virtual interview with Fatimah

Last month, we introduced you to the expansion of our work to build a better justice system, including two new staff. I had the opportunity to sit down with one of them, Fatimah Loren Muhammad, and learn about her first few weeks, what a “trauma-informed” justice system means, and her vision for this first year.

Sarah Craft: I know you’re still getting your feet wet, but what do you see as the goals of the Trauma Advocacy program in the first year?

Fatimah Loren Muhammad: First of all, I want to start by saying how absolutely excited I am to join the EJUSA team. These past few weeks have been wonderful connecting with the staff and board members and the greater EJUSA community, many of whom have sent emails of encouragement as I begin my work here.

I think it’s important to note that EJUSA has done tons of groundwork for the Trauma Advocacy program. We already have a deep history and an amazing track record from our repeal campaigns, working with and including the voices of crime survivors. We’ve been successful advocating for and actually moving funds saved by repeal to support victims’ services. So I step into this role with that amazing history on which to build.

In this first year, I’m excited about strengthening our national network of crime survivors, to formalize that group and lift their voices as the country continues to talk about criminal justice reform. Our goal is to ensure that the criminal justice reform movement adequately addresses survivors’ needs.

Another part of our plan is to support cities that are looking at ways they can incorporate trauma-informed practices and policies into their broader public safety plan. There are cities that are models for doing this – who have implemented plans to be “trauma-informed” cities – so I’ve begun to talk some of the leaders in those places. And I’m also talking to people who are interested in exploring these methods in their communities and cities, to learn about ways we can support them.

SC: Wow! That sounds like a lot. Before I get into too many specifics, can you help me understand exactly what it means to be “trauma-informed”?

FLM: It’s such a great question. There are tons of books written on trauma, but in a very simplistic way, when we experience a traumatic event – or any adversity – we are impacted. In some cases, we are so significantly impacted that our brain actually changes, our neurobiology shifts, and there are a whole host of symptoms that can impact our behavior in the future.

When a system is “trauma-informed,” it understands behavior in this context. So instead of asking “What’s wrong with you?” or “What’s the matter with you? You’re acting out. You’re being aggressive.” Instead, one would ask, “What happened to you?” This approach gives people the space to share their stories and to understand their own victimization. This then becomes an access point for treatment. And once we understand people have been traumatized, we can provide very effective treatments to help them feel better and more empowered.

So in most current situations, if something is wrong with a justice system-involved person and such a person is perceived as “unfixable,” then the answer has been to punish them and lock them up, or somehow keep them away from the community. But if we could start asking, “What’s happened to you? Let me understand so we can treat you,” then there is access to not only the person’s healing but also to the community healing, and ultimately the community getting accountability and the opportunity to rebuild people’s lives and bring them back into the community. So trauma-informed approaches allow us an access point to get to the goals, ultimately, of safety and healing in communities.

SC: That’s really helpful, just to understand the context of all of this.
So tell me, how have you been approaching these first few weeks?

FLM: I have really spent these first few weeks connecting with people and building relationships. It’s really the foundation of good organizing and advocacy work, right?

So I’ve started by connecting with EJUSA champions in the crime survivor community – folks who have worked with EJUSA for years. I’m also meeting with new partners – nonprofits in different cities that are interested in trauma-informed work or are doing trauma-informed work. I’ve been connecting with national trauma experts to talk about their work and their research and to get a lay of the land of those who are the brains behind these incredible interventions that are out there. I’m also linking up with victims’ advocates, government officials, police officers, criminal justice reform organizations – a really broad range of folks – to just learn and get the lay of the land.

I’ve connected with people – my goodness – in Florida, Ohio, New Jersey, Maryland, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, New York, and there is more to come. It has been really rewarding, because, what we understand is that there is no cookie cutter approach. Even when we talk about trauma-informed systems, they have to be contextualized within the history and culture of a place. So in talking to a diverse range of folks from different places, I get to hear and understand the ways in which they work in their own, local communities, and that has been a very important piece of this relationship-building process.

It’s quite exciting to be building these relationships and having these conversations, because the need is there. This connection between trauma work and criminal justice reform – there is a lot of work and bridge-building to be done there, so it’s really having conversations about that and lifting up the voices of crime survivors in the process.

SC: And what are you hearing from people when you share our goals? I know you said there is no cookie-cutter approach, but are there any trends popping up?

FLM: There is lots of enthusiasm, which is terrific! But I’ve really been getting a range of responses.

Some folks are really interested or intrigued. These tend to be the folks who have some understanding of the need for crime survivors to be central to the criminal justice reform movement. They understand, at least at a broad level, that there are large groups of traumatized people in need of healing that need to be part of the framework for reform.

And to be honest, there are folks who say, “This is really hard what you’re saying. Who knows if we can actually accomplish this?” and these are spaces where I think the culture of the place produces some challenges.

But it’s a good thing to have a diverse range of responses, because it lets me know that I’m hitting different parts of a movement, and in the beginning its really good to understand what the landscape looks like. If I were meeting with people and everyone was saying the exact same thing, then figuring out where the gaps are would be harder to do, so I’m thankful that I’ve gotten a range of responses and that I get to have different kinds of conversations with folks.

The best is when I leave a conversation or a meeting, and it feels like just the meeting itself has added new pieces, planted seeds and ideas that we can continue to explore in the future. So that’s really exciting for this beginning stage of the process.

SC: Is there any one meeting or connection that has stuck out for you that you can share more about?

Fatmimah talking to Senator Booker
Fatimah meets Senator Cory Booker

FLM: Well, I was able to attend Senator Cory Booker’s criminal justice reform forum in New Jersey. It was a packed room of well over 200 people, and it was a panel of faith leaders in New Jersey, including the Senator, talking about criminal justice reform. There was such passion on the panel – a really sincere discussion and framing of the issues of criminal justice reform and the movement.

Following the forum, I had an opportunity to speak with the Senator for a few minutes and talk about the needs of crime survivors. He was so grateful that I approached him. He thanked me and EJUSA for what we’re doing because it’s an important piece of the work. He mentioned the need for looking at behavioral health services and support and healing for those who are re-entering society after incarceration. So we had an opportunity to talk about that, and it was quite powerful.

As we were talking, there were others that were waiting to speak to him, and they got involved in the discussion. That was really cool. It felt like there was this moment to have a mini meeting about the needs of crime survivors in a really powerful space. It was brief, but it felt important, and we’re looking forward to meeting with staff at his office and continuing that conversation.

SC: So cool. He’s doing some really exciting work. Great that we are connecting with him.
So what do the next couple of months hold beyond more of this connecting and relationship building?

FLM: Well, we’re starting to choose one or two pilot cities to do some advocacy and communications work, helping them begin the process of integrating a trauma-informed program. We will also start bringing together EJUSA’s network of crime survivors – one that reflects the diversity of the crime survivor community – and discussing ways in which we can organize nationally together.

Another thing we’re hoping to do is look internally at EJUSA and think through how we can develop systems and be trauma-informed as an organization and as a staff, so that’s something I’m really excited about.

So there is lots to do. And I’ll just reiterate that I have an open call to the EJUSA broader community to please reach out to me with ideas, recommendations, or relationships they think are really important for any of these efforts. My email address is fatimahm@ejusa.org, and I would really welcome those conversations.

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Connecticut Supreme Court puts a nail in the coffin of state’s death penalty

Connecticut Supreme Court Building

Three years ago, EJUSA joined our partners at the Connecticut Network to Abolish the Death Penalty and a broad coalition of supporters to celebrate Connecticut’s repeal of the death penalty. Now, the Connecticut Supreme Court has taken things a step further and ruled the death penalty unconstitutional.

Repeal in Connecticut was prospective, meaning it only applied to cases after the law was passed. It left 11 men on the state’s death row. The Court said that “the death penalty now fails to satisfy any legitimate penological purpose and is unconstitutionally excessive,” ruling that those 11 men will now be resentenced.

Khalilah Brown-Dean was a tireless supporter of repeal efforts when the issue was in front of the legislature. She is a professor of political science who lost her cousin, Brian Anthony Patterson, to murder. She wrote in support of the Court’s decision, recalling the scores of families of homicide victims who said the death penalty in Connecticut did not address the profound sense of loss they felt in the wake of the murder of their loved ones.

News outlets marked this as yet another example of the death penalty’s demise. EJUSA’s Executive Director, Shari Silberstein, told the Associated Press, “This is one more institution saying this is too broken and it can’t be fixed, and let’s be done with it.” Some are even suggesting that the Court’s decision could be a blueprint for the U.S. Supreme Court to take up the constitutionality of death penalty nationally, an idea that was floated by Justices Breyer and Ginsburg in June as part of their ruling in Glossip v Gross.

In the Connecticut court’s 4-3 decision, the majority said that the death penalty “has become incompatible with contemporary standards of decency in Connecticut,” citing the state’s constitution. Much of the court’s rationale could easily be translated to a national context:

“…the increasing inability to achieve legitimate penological purposes; the freakishness with which the sentence of death is imposed; the rarity with which it is carried out; and the racial, ethnic, and socio-economic biases that likely are inherent in any discretionary death penalty system. Because such a system fails to comport with our abiding freedom from cruel and unusual punishment, we hold that capital punishment, as currently applied, violates the constitution of Connecticut.”

Photo credit: “Connecticut Supreme Court, Hartford Connecticut” by John Phelan – Own work. CC BY 3.0 via Wikimedia Commons.

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Campaign in Nebraska shifts focus to 2016 election

Last week, death penalty supporters in Nebraska submitted petition signatures to put repeal legislation in front of voters in the 2016 election.

The signatures have now been sent to county clerks, who will attempt to verify them against registered voters in the next 40 days. The official numbers will come out in October from the Secretary of State’s Office, but it seems there are enough for the death penalty to go before Nebraska voters next fall.

The return of the death penalty is far from assured. Nebraska’s NPR station quickly reported that only a third of ballot campaigns in the state succeed. An editorial in Nebraska’s Kearney Hub asked, “So have politicians, despite the Legislature’s well-educated and reasoned repeal of capital punishment, sold petition signers a bill of goods? Probably.” And one of the state’s largest papers editorialized, “The Journal Star editorial board is confident that voters who study the issues will come to the same conclusion that the Legislature did: It’s time for the death penalty to go.”

Our partners at Nebraskans for Alternatives to the Death Penalty reiterated their commitment to educating Nebraskans in every corner of the state about how the death penalty has failed as a public policy. Nebraska’s Conservatives Concerned About the Death Penalty chapter was also quoted in several media stories saying they’ll be at schools and parishes, teaching the facts and engaging in discussions.

Even the Roman Catholic Bishops in Nebraska released a statement, indicating they intend to see the death penalty take its place in the history books in Nebraska. “Reflection on the God-given dignity of every human person should guide all our decisions about life, including refraining from the use of the death penalty.”

EJUSA joins all of them in the confidence that the more people learn about the death penalty, the less they will support it – just like the legislators who voted overwhelmingly three times to repeal the death penalty and then again to override the governor’s veto this spring.

It seems certain that the broken nature of the death penalty will be on full display as long as the Governor continues his failed attempts at securing lethal injection drugs. Repeated reproaches from multiple government agencies haven’t stopped the Governor from trying to illegally purchase drugs and attempting to show that he can be the first governor in more than 20 years to perform an execution.

Polling in states that have gotten rid of the death penalty shows that soon after the law is repealed, support for the death penalty drops.

Photo credit: “at the voting booth” by thomas. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 via flickr.

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Breaking: Nebraskans to vote on the death penalty

Today, a group of death penalty supporters submitted signatures for a referendum on death penalty repeal – enough to suspend repeal and put it on the November 2016 ballot if they are all verified.

The media might tell you that this kills the repeal of the death penalty that you helped achieve this spring. They might say that Nebraskans across the state disagreed with repeal and will vote to bring the death penalty back next fall.

But here’s the truth:

  • This debate is just beginning. The numbers released today represent less than 15% of Nebraska voters. The more people learn about the death penalty, the less they like it, and Nebraskans will have the next 15 months to learn about why they should reject this failed policy.
  • The group leading the charge, calling itself “Nebraskans for the Death Penalty,” was bankrolled by Nebraska’s wealthy governor and his family – hardly an indication that ordinary Nebraskans are clamoring for the death penalty’s return.
  • The broken nature of the death penalty has been on full display this summer as the Governor has repeatedly tried and failed to illegally import lethal injection drugs from overseas. There is no reason to believe they can fix the system that he is fighting so hard to bring back.

Today marks the beginning of the new campaign. You have been with us in Nebraska for more than 7 years, but the next 15 months will likely be the most important.

You can help shape the next wave of the conversation. If you see coverage of this development, post a comment on the story’s webpage or on social media. You can write your own comment or just copy this quote from my colleague, who perhaps said it best:

“No matter how much money Governor Ricketts and his family spend on this referendum, it does not change the basic fact that they are trying to sell Nebraskans a lemon – a government program plagued by wrongful convictions, high costs, and long delays.”

– Marc Hyden, Coordinator of Conservatives Concerned about the Death Penalty

Thank you for spreading the word. We’ll keep you posted.

Photo credit: “UK general election 2010 – Voting in Hackney” by Alex Lee. CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons.

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Oklahoma again poised to execute Richard Glossip

June’s Supreme Court Decision in Glossip v Grossaddressed one small debate about a specific lethal injection protocol. It also opened the door to many new questions about the future of the death penalty and the likelihood that the Supreme Court will one day rule on the constitutionality of the policy itself. At the heart of the court’s decision, though, was the case of one man: Richard Glossip. This past January, Glossip came within one day of his scheduled execution. When notice came that the Supreme Court was hearing his appeal, he was already in the process of saying goodbye to his family. Another execution date now looms, despite Glossip’s strong claims of innocence. Sister Helen Prejean is leading a campaign to halt the execution and to give Glossip’s lawyers the opportunity to present his case of innocence.

See Sister Helen’s action page for Richard Glossip.

Read The Intercept’s story on the Glossip case.

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